自由演讲稿子(15篇)

第1篇 自由平等演讲稿格式范文

演讲稿网权威发布自由平等演讲稿格式范文，更多自由平等演讲稿格式范文相关信息请访问酷猫写作范文网演讲稿频道。

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家好！

如今的社会在追求平等，过去的社会也在追求平等，好像从古代到今天，从外国到中国，每个社会都在追求平等。而平等又像个太阳让我们看到光明顶希望，却永远触及不到。

从中华人民共和国国成立的那一天，就在追求男女平等，而今呢？真的真正上的平等了吗？那就不会听到丢弃的女婴在严寒中哭泣。“男女平等”四个简单的字，却可拯救无数条女婴的生命。如果现在社会上真正男女平等了，那就说明人们的思想已经被重新更换，就像树一样，既然长满了蛀虫，就应该连根拔起，重新栽种上新的树苗，并根深蒂固。可是，更换思想怎么会那么容易呢？人们的思想已被一代代的封建思想侵蚀了。所以我们新的一代，不被腐化的一代要拯救那一个个幼小的生灵。高举“男女平等”的旗帜，就算永远追不上，也要像愚公移山一样持之以恒，因为我们要追求平等。

人从生下来就是平等的，不管你是出生在贫困家庭还是富裕家庭，一样拥有相同的中华人民共和国国的平等____，承担着相同的法律责任和道德义务。可是总有有一些人不这样认为，他们凭借着自己钱多权大，就我行我素，好像世界上他们就是主宰，贫穷的人就应该为他们服务，就应该做他们的奴隶。这就违背了我们所追求的平等。不管你财多物富与否，不管你位高权重与否，身为公民都应该享有同样的权利，承担相同的义务。这不仅?_曳伤娑ǎ?a href='www.guanlizhe.com/hotnews/gerenjianli.html' target='_blank' title='个人简历'>个人简历也应该是每个懂得平等的人所追求的。上帝让我们来到这五彩缤纷的世间时，就赋予了我们相同的权利，给了我们亲情、友情、健康、快乐——但同时也让我们承担了相同的义务，那就是共同创建一个和谐、美好、平等的社会。

时常听到有人抱怨说：“上天太不公平了，为什么所有的不幸都让我碰上了？”事实上，上天对每个人都是公平的，只是因为社会上的各种因素而导致让你觉得上天的不公。而恰恰相反，上天让你在磨练中成长了一些，明白了一些人情世故。所以我们不要埋怨上天，只是人类永远的贪婪和无穷的欲望，让我们看到了社会中的不平等。而我们要做的只有摆在自己的心态，平等对待生活，平等对待每一个生命，也许他们同你有一样的遭遇。

第2篇 发现优势，自由生长演讲稿

发现优势，自由生长——在蕲春实验学校的演讲稿 蕲春是李时珍的故乡。李时珍也是读书人，考中秀才之后，接连几次去武昌考举人，都没有考中，于是干脆放弃，开始行医，因为医术高明，所以当了太医。但他当了一段时间后，回到了民间，读万卷书，行万里路，撰写了190万字的《本草纲目》，为中国医药做出了伟大的贡献。

这也说明，人才的发展，并非只有一条路，走最适合自己的道路，才是最明智的。在李时珍的时代，读书人的出路，不外乎三种，做官、行医、教书。而在我们的时代，出路却空前的广泛，尤其是我们互联网时代，人选择职业越来越自由，也就更容易找到自己爱做的事，得到自我价值的实现。

这就是我今天演讲的主题：别样的青春期，发现优势，自由生长。

就在上周五，一个同事来找我。他四十岁，中科院博士，材料学教授。材料学，大家听了，是不是有点不明觉厉啊？我对他的专业也肃然起敬。可就是这个年富力强、前途无量的大教授，却告诉我，他其实不喜欢材料学，而是喜欢写诗，写小说。我觉得好奇怪，那你为什么学材料呢？他说，读中学时，大家都说，工科有出息，有前途，所以他明明喜欢文科，但却没勇气去学，而是选了理科。然后呢，人在江湖，身不由己。他本科学了物理，硕士读了物理化学，博士读了材料学，他一直从事这一行的研究，而把心爱的文学搁置了二十年。他现在工作稳定，但总觉得没劲，每天干的事情，只不过为了生存，而不是他真正热爱的。于是，在五年前，他开始写作，到现在，已经完成了两部长篇小说，上百首诗。我读了以后，觉得都还不错，但是因为没有专业训练，所以不太能发表。而他已经四十岁了，而且陷入了两难境界：原来的工作不喜欢，但又舍不得放弃，不放弃，又没时间训练写作，所以两头不讨好。当他得知我本科学的是生物学，研究生读的是文学，就叹息说：“为什么在很年轻的时候，不勇敢一点，选择自己喜欢的专业呢？”

世间之事就是这样。等你明白路怎么走的时候，往往已无路可走。所以，在人生的关键时刻，需要当头棒喝。这个来棒喝的人，可以是自己，可以是别人，也可以是命运。但大多数人没有这个自省能力，等命运敲响警钟，又往往为时过晚。所以，我今天站在这个，给大家一声棒喝。

这次讲座四十五分钟，刚好一节课的时间，希望我们一起快乐地度过这难得的时光。

第3篇 加拿大自由党领袖贾斯廷·特鲁多获胜英语演讲稿

sunny ways, my friends, sunny ways. this is whatpositive politics can do. this is what a causative,hopeful – a hopeful vision and a platform and ateam together can make happen. canadians –canadians from all across this great country sent aclear message tonight. it's time for a change in thiscountry, my friends, a real change.

i also want to specifically thank my good friendskatie telford and gerald butts. katie and gerry aretwo of the smartest, toughest, hardest workingpeople you will find anywhere. they share with me the conviction that politics doesn't have tobe negative and personal to be successful, that – that you can appeal to the better angels ofour nature, and you can win while doing it.

tonight, my very good friends, we proved that. i hope it is an inspiration to like-mindedpeople to step up and pitch in, to get involved in the public life of this country and to knowthat a positive, optimistic, hopeful vision of public life isn't a naive dream; it can be apowerful force for change.

and i also want to thank the incredible volunteers that made tonight happen. over 80,000canadians got involved in the core of this campaign. they knocked on their neighbours' doors.they made phone calls. they sent emails. hundreds of thousands more supported us activelywith their friends and online. they convinced their neighbours and their families. and all ofthese people had one thing in common: they care deeply about their families, theircommunities and their country. they believe that better is possible and that active citizens canplay a real part in making it happen.

now, this movement we've built was fuelled by these amazing volunteers, and from thebottom of my heart, i thank you.

now, i want to take a moment to speak about my colleagues across the aisle. tonight, ireceived phone calls from all of them, including from mr. harper. stephen harper has servedthis country for a decade, and as with anyone who has devoted their life to this country, wethank him for his service.

now, over the course of this campaign, i had the opportunity to have a couple of briefpersonal conversations with him about our families. it reminded me of the e_traordinary andunique sacrifices that are made by anybody who serves this country at the highest levels, and iwant to remind everyone, as i've said many times over the course of this campaign:conservatives are not our enemies, they're our neighbours. leadership is about bringing peopleof all different perspectives together.

now, you're all going to hear a lot tonight and tomorrow about me and about our campaign.lots of people are going to have lots of opinions about why we were successful. well, for threeyears, we had a very old-fashioned strategy. we met with and talked with as many canadiansas we could, and we listened. we won this election because we listened. we did the hard workof slogging it across the country. we met with hundreds of people in the dead of winter in thearctic and with thousands of people in brampton in the middle of this campaign.

you built this platform. you built this movement. you told us what you need to be successful.you told us what kind of government you want, and we built the plan to make it happen. incoffee shops and in town halls, in church basements and in gurdwaras, you gathered. you spenttime together with us, and you told us about the kind of country you want to build and leave toyour children.

over the past three years, you told us what you're going through. you told us that it's gettingharder and harder to make ends meet, let alone to get ahead. you told us you're worried aboutwhether you'll be able to afford a dignified retirement. you told us that your communities needinvestment. you told us you need a fair shot at better jobs. you are the inspiration for ourefforts. you are the reason why we worked so hard to be here tonight, and you will be at theheart of this new government.

so my message to you tonight, my fellow citizens, is simple: have faith in yourselves and inyour country, know that we can make anything happen if we set our minds to it and work hard.

i didn't make history tonight, you did. and don't let anyone tell you any differently. i know thati am on stage tonight for one reason and one reason only: because you put me here. and yougave me clear marching orders. you want a government that works as hard as you do, one thatis focused every minute of every day on growing the economy, creating jobs and strengtheningthe middle class, one that is devoted to helping less fortunate canadian families work theirway into the middle class.

you want a prime minister who knows canada is a country strong, not in spite of ourdifferences, but because of them, a pm who never seeks to divide canadians, but takes everysingle opportunity to bring us together. you want a prime minister who knows that ifcanadians are to trust their government, their government needs to trust canadians, a pm whounderstands that openness and transparency means better, smarter decisions. you want aprime minister that knows that a renewed nation-to-nation relationship with indigenouspeoples that respects rights and honours treaties must be the basis for how we work to closethe gap and walk forward together.

canadians – canadians have spoken. you want a government with a vision and an agenda forthis country that is positive and ambitious and hopeful. well, my friends, i promise youtonight that i will lead that government. i will make that vision a reality. i will be that primeminister.

in this election, 1,792 canadians stepped up, put their names on ballots and on lawn signsand ran for office. three hundred and thirty-eight of them were chosen by you to be their voicesin ottawa, and i pledge tonight that i will listen to all of them.

there are a thousand stories i could share with you about this remarkable campaign, but iwant you to think about one in particular. last week, i met a young mom in st. catharines,ontario. she practises the muslim faith and was wearing a hijab. she made her way through thecrowd and handed me her infant daughter, and as she leaned forward, she said something thati will never forget. she said she's voting for us because she wants to make sure that her littlegirl has the right to make her own choices in life and that our government will protect thoserights.

to her, i say this: you and your fellow citizens have chosen a new government, a governmentthat believes deeply in the diversity of our country. we know in our bones that canada wasbuilt by people from all corners of the world who worship every faith, who belong to everyculture, who speak every language.

we believe in our hearts that this country's unique diversity is a blessing bestowed upon usby previous generations of canadians, canadians who stared down prejudice and foughtdiscrimination in all its forms. we know that our enviable, inclusive society didn't happen byaccident and won't continue without effort. i have always known this; canadians know it too. ifnot, i might have spoken earlier this evening and given a very different speech.

have faith in your fellow citizens, my friends. they are kind and generous. they are open-minded and optimistic. and they know in their heart of hearts that a canadian is a canadian,is a canadian.

my friends, we beat fear with hope. we beat cynicism with hard work. we beat negative,divisive politics with a positive vision that brings canadians together. most of all, we defeatedthe idea that canadians should be satisfied with less, that good enough is good enough andthat better just isn't possible. well, my friends, this is canada, and in canada, better is alwayspossible.

thank you. thank you very much.

第4篇 自由演讲稿

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

劳动节升旗演讲稿：为自由奋斗 为劳动喝彩

5月1日是国际劳动节，这是全世界劳动人民自己的节日。今天，我们站在鲜艳的五星红旗下，应该怎样纪念和庆祝这一伟大光辉的节日呢?

1886年的5月1日，美国的资产阶级政府出动大批军队和警察，残酷地镇压了芝加哥工人因要求改善劳动条件而进行的集会斗争。这说明，工人阶级不要说争取主人的地位，就是要求改善基本的生活条件也会遭受到血腥的镇压。

把五月一日定为国际劳动节，就是旨在动员并团结全世界无产阶级及劳动人民，为争取自身的自由、解放，为最终实现当家作主的权利而不懈斗争。

我国的无产阶级和广大劳动人民在中国共产党的领导下，经过艰苦卓绝的斗争，使当家作主的梦想变成了现实，人民成了国家和社会的主人，享有广泛的民主权利，以主人翁的精神投入到建设社会主义的伟大事业中去。

我们的社会主义祖国正呈现出蓬勃生机，焕发出旺盛活动力，以昂扬的姿态阔步迈向二十一世纪。

我们——作为跨世纪的一代建设者和接班人，将责无旁贷地挑起建设社会主义现代化强国的重担，以主人翁的态度投入到建设祖国的伟大事业中去。

作为一名中学生，从小就应该树立主人翁的意识，关心国家大事，热爱自己的家园，树立远大的志向，把自己的前途同祖国的命运结合起来，使自己成为一个有理想有志气有抱负有高尚品质的人。我们要培养劳动感情，养成劳动习惯，珍惜劳动成果，积极参加社会实践活动。

当然，最重要的还是要努力学习科学文化知识，扎实掌握一技之长，为将来把我国建设繁荣富强打下良好的基础!

这才是对“五?一”国际劳动节最好的的纪念。

“我要自由”英文演讲稿范文模板

i want be free

good afternoon,everyone.today,my topic is “i want to be free.”it’s a story about a wolf and a dog.

a wolf was almost dead with hunger.a house-dog saw him,and asked,”friend,it’s bad for you.”

“why don’t you work steadily as i do,and get your food regularly?” “i would have no objection.”said the wolf,”if i could only get a place.” “i will help you.”said the dog.”come with me to my master,and you shall share me work ”

so the wolf and the dog went to the town together.

on the way ,the wolf saw that there was no hair around the dog’neck. he felt quite surprised,and asked him why it was like that? “oh,it is nothing.”said the dog.”every night my master puts a collar around my neck and chains me up.you will soon get used to it.”

“is that the only reason.”said the wolf.”then good bye to you,my friend.i would like to be free.”

do you like to be free?every.thank you for listening.

第5篇 奥巴马总统在2022年＂总统自由勋章＂颁发仪式英语演讲稿

the president: good morning! (applause.) good morning,everybody! everybody,please have aseat. have a seat.

well, on behalf of michelle andmyself, welcome to the white house. thisis one of myfavorite events every year, especially special this year, as ilook at this e_traordinary group ofindividuals and our opportunity to honorthem with our nation’s highest civilian honor -- thepresidential medal offreedom.

and this year, it’s just a littlemore special because this marks the 50th anniversary ofpresident kennedyestablishing this award. we’re honored,by the way, today to have with us oneof my favorite people -- ethel kennedy --and a pretty good basketball player, presidentkennedy’s grandson, jack. (applause.)

this medal has been bestowed onmore than 500 deserving people. tonight,i’m lookingforward to joining some of these honorees, as well as members ofthe kennedy family, as we paytribute to these 50 years of e_cellence. and this morning, we’re honored to add 16 newnamesto this distinguished list.

today, we salute fiercecompetitors who became true champions. in the sweltering heat of achicago summer, ernie banks walked into thecubs locker room and didn’t like what he saw. “everybody was sitting around, heads down, depressed,” he recalled. so ernie piped up andsaid, “boy, what agreat day! let’s play two!” (laughter.) that’s “mr. cub” -- a man who cameup through the negro leagues, making$7 a day, and became the first black player to suit up forthe cubs and one ofthe greatest hitters of all time. and inthe process, ernie became known asmuch for his 512 home runs as for his cheerand his optimism and his eternal faith thatsomeday the cubs would go all theway. (laughter.)

and that's serious belief. (laughter.) that is something that even a white so_ fan like mecan respect. (laughter.) but he is just a wonderful man and a great icon of my hometown.

speaking of sports, dean smith isone of the winningest coaches in college basketballhistory, but his successesgo far beyond _s and os. even as he won78 percent of his games, hegraduated 96 percent of his players. the first coach to use multiple defenses in agame, hewas the pioneer who popularized the idea of “pointing to the passer”-- after a basket, playersshould point to the teammate who passed them theball. and with his first national titleon theline, he did have the good sense to give the ball to a 19-year-old kidnamed michael jordan. (laughter.) although they used to joke that the onlyperson who ever held michael under 20 wasdean smith. (laughter.)

while coach smith couldn’t joinus today due to an illness that he’s facing withe_traordinary courage, we alsohonor his courage in helping to change our country -- herecruited the firstblack scholarship athlete to north carolina and helped to integratearestaurant and a neighborhood in chapel hill. that's the kind of character that he representedon and off the court.

we salute innovators who pushedthe limits of science, changing how we see the world --and ourselves. and growing up, sally ride read about thespace program in the newspaperalmost every day, and she thought this was “thecoolest thing around.” when she was aphdcandidate at stanford she saw an ad for astronauts in the student newspaperand she seizedthe opportunity. as thefirst american woman in space, sally didn’t just break thestratospheric glassceiling, she blasted through it. andwhen she came back to earth, shedevoted her life to helping girls e_cel infields like math, science and engineering. “young girlsneed to see role models,” she said, “you can’t be what youcan’t see.” today, our daughters --includingmalia and sasha -- can set their sights a little bit higher because sally rideshowedthem the way.

now, all of us have moments whenwe look back and wonder, “what the heck was ithinking?” i have that -- (laughter) -- quite abit. psychologist daniel kahneman hasmade thatsimple question his life’s work. in a storied career in israel and america, he basically inventedthestudy of human decision-making. he’shelped us to understand everything from behavioraleconomics to “does living incalifornia make people happy?” it’s aninteresting question. he’salso beencalled an e_pert on irrational behavior -- so i'm sure that he could shed somelight onwashington. (laughter.)

but what truly sets daniel apartis his curiosity. guided by his beliefthat people are“endlessly complicated and interesting,” at 79 he’s stilldiscovering new insights into how wethink and learn, not just so we understandeach other, but so we can work and live togethermore effectively.

dr. mario molina’s love of sciencestarted as a young boy in me_ico city, in a homemadelaboratory in a bathroomat home. and that passion for discoveryled mario to become one ofthe most respected chemists of his era. he was awarded the nobel peace prize -- orthe nobelprize, rather, not only for his path-breaking research, but also forhis insistence that when weignore dangerous carbon emissions we riskdestroying the ozone layer and endangering ourplanet. and thanks to mario’s work, the world cametogether to address a common threat, andtoday, inspired by his e_ample, we’reworking to leave our planet safer and cleaner for futuregenerations.

we also have to salute musicians,who bring such joy to our lives. lorettalynn was 19 thefirst time she won the big -- she won big at the localfair. her canned vegetables broughthome17 blue ribbons -- (laughter) -- and made her “canner of the year.”(laughter.) now, that’simpressive. (laughter.)

for a girl from butcher hollow,kentucky, that was fame. fortunately forall of us, shedecided to try her hand at things other than canning. her first guitar cost $17, and with itthiscoal miner’s daughter gave voice to a generation, singing what no one wanted totalk aboutand saying what no one wanted to think about. and now, over 50 years after she cut herfirstrecord -- and canned her first vegetables -- (laughter) -- loretta lynnstill reigns as the rule-breaking, record-setting queen of country music.

as a young man in cuba, arturosandoval loved jazz so much it landed him in jail. it wasthe cold war, and the only radiostation where he could hear jazz was the voice of america,which was dangerousto listen to. but arturo listenedanyway. later, he defected to theunitedstates knowing he might never see his parents or beloved homeland again. “withoutfreedom,” he said, “there is nolife.” and today, arturo is an americancitizen and one of the mostcelebrated trumpet players in the world. “there isn’t any place on earth where thepeopledon’t know about jazz,” he says, and that’s true in part becausemusicians like him havesacrificed so much to play it.

we salute pioneers who pushed ournation towards greater justice and equality. a baptistminister, c.t. vivian was one of dr. martin luther king, jr.’sclosest advisors. “martin taught us,”hesays, “that it’s in the action that we find out who we really are.” and time and again,reverend vivian was amongthe first to be in the action: in 1947,joining a sit-in to integrate anillinois restaurant; one of the first freedomriders; in selma, on the courthouse steps toregister blacks to vote, for whichhe was beaten, bloodied and jailed. rosaparks said of him, “even after things had supposedly been taken care of and wehad our rights, he was still outthere, inspiring the ne_t generation,including me,” helping kids go to college with a programthat would becomeupward bound. and at 89 years old,reverend vivian is still out there, still inthe action, pushing us closer toour founding ideals.

now, early in the morning the dayof the march on washington, the national mall was farfrom full and some in thepress were beginning to wonder if the event would be a failure. butthe march’s chief organizer, bayardrustin, didn’t panic. as the story goes,he looked down at apiece of paper, looked back up, and reassured reportersthat everything was right on schedule.the only thing those reporters didn’t know was that the paper he washolding was blank. (laughter.) he didn’t know how it was going to work out,but bayard had an unshakableoptimism, nerves of steel, and, most importantly,a faith that if the cause is just and people areorganized, nothing can standin our way.

so, for decades, this greatleader, often at dr. king’s side, was denied his rightful place inhistorybecause he was openly gay. no medal canchange that, but today, we honor bayardrustin’s memory by taking our place inhis march towards true equality, no matter who we areor who we love. (applause.)

speaking of game-changers,disrupters, there was a young girl names gloria steinem whoarrived in new yorkto make her mark as a journalist, and magazines only wanted to writearticleslike “how to cook without really cooking for men.” (laughter.) gloria noticed things likethat. (laughter.) she’s been called a “championnoticer.” she’s alert to all the ways,large andsmall, that women had been and, in some cases, continue to be treatedunfairly just becausethey’re women.

as a writer, a speaker, anactivist, she awakened a vast and often skeptical public toproblems likedomestic violence, the lack of affordable child care, unfair hiringpractices. andbecause of her work,across america and around the world, more women are afforded the respectandopportunities that they deserve. but shealso changed how women thought aboutthemselves. and gloria continues to pour her heart intoteaching and mentoring. her one pieceofadvice to young girls is -- i love this -- “do not listen to my advice. listen to the voice insideyou and follow that.”

when patricia wald’s law firmasked if she’d come back after having her first child, she saidshe’d like sometime off to focus on her family -- devoted almost 10 years to raisingfivechildren. but patricia never lost theitch to practice law. so while herhusband watched thekids at home, she’d hit the library on weekends. at the age 40, she went back to thecourtroomto show the “young kids” a thing or two. as the first female judge on the d.c. circuit,patricia was a topcandidate for attorney general. afterleaving the bench, her idea of retirementwas to go to the hague to presideover the trials of war criminals. patricia says she hopesenough women will become judges that “it’s notworth celebrating” anymore. but today,wecelebrate her. and along with gloria,she shows there are all kinds of paths listening to yourown voice.

we salute communicators whoshined a light on stories no one else was telling. a veteran ofworld war ii and more than adozen pacific battles, ben bradlee brought the same intensityand dedication tojournalism. since joining the washingtonpost 65 years ago, he transformedthat newspaper into one of the finest in theworld. with ben in charge, the postpublished thepentagon papers, revealing the true history of america’sinvolvement in vietnam; e_posedwatergate; unleashed a new era of investigativejournalism, holding america’s leadersaccountable and reminding us that ourfreedom as a nation rests on our freedom of the press.when ben retired, senator daniel patrickmoynihan put the admiration of many into a poem: “o rare ben bradlee/his reign has ceased/buthis nation stands/its strength increased.”

and i also indicated to ben hecan pull off those shirts and i can't. (laughter.) he alwayslooks socool in them. (laughter.)

early in oprah winfrey’s career,her bosses told her she should change her name to susie. (laughter.) i have to pause here to say i got the same advice. (laughter and applause.) theydidn't say i should be named “susie,”but they suggested i should change my name. (laughter.)people can relate tosusie, that's what they said. it turnedout, surprisingly, that people couldrelate to oprah just fine.

in more than 4,500 episodes ofher show, her message was always, “you can.” “you can doand you can be and you can grow and it can be better.” and she was living proof, rising fromachildhood of poverty and abuse to the pinnacle of the entertainmentuniverse. but even with40 emmys, thedistinction of being the first black female billionaire, oprah’s greateststrengthhas always been her ability to help us discover the best inourselves. michelle and icountourselves among her many devoted fans and friends. as one of those fans wrote, “i didn’tknow ihad a light in me until oprah told me it was there.” what a great gift.

and, finally, we salute publicservants who’ve strengthened our nation. daniel inouye wasa humble man and didn’t wear his medal of honor veryoften. instead, he liked to wear apinrepresenting the good conduct medal he earned as a teenage private. “to behave yourselftakes special effort,” hesaid, “and i did not want to dishonor my family.” danny always honoredhis family and hiscountry, even when his country didn’t always honor him.

after being classified as an “enemyalien,” danny joined a japanese american unit thatbecame one of the mostdecorated in world war ii. and as thesecond-longest serving senatorin american history, he showed a generation ofyoung people -- including one kid with a funnyname growing up in hawaii whonoticed that there was somebody during some of those hearingsin washingtonthat didn't look like everybody else, which meant maybe i had a chance todosomething important, too. he taught allof us that no matter what you look like or where youcome from, this countryhas a place for everybody who’s willing to serve and work hard.

a proud hoosier, dick lugar hasserved america for more than half a century, from a youngnavy lieutenant to arespected leader in the united states senate. i’ll always be thankful to dickfor taking me -- a new, junior senator-- under his wing, including travels together to reviewsome of his visionarywork, the destruction of cold war arsenals in the former soviet union --something that doesn’t get a lot of publicnotice, but was absolutely critical to making us saferin the wake of the coldwar.

now, i should say, traveling withdick you get close to une_ploded landmines, mortar shells,test tubes filledwith anthra_ and the plague. (laughter.) his legacy, though, is the thousandsofmissiles and bombers and submarines and warheads that no longer threaten usbecause of hise_traordinary work. andour nation and our world are safer because of this statesman. and in atime ofunrelenting partisanship, dick lugar’s decency, his commitment tobipartisanproblem-solving, stand as a model of what public service ought to be.

now, last, but never least, wehonor a leader who we still remember with suche_traordinary fondness. he still remembers as a child waving goodbyeto his mom -- tears inher eyes -- as she went off to nursing school so shecould provide for her family. and ithinklifting up families like his own became the story of bill clinton’slife. he remembered what hismom had todo on behalf of him and he wanted to make sure that he made life better andeasierfor so many people all across the country that were struggling in thosesame ways and had thosesame hopes and dreams. so as a governor, he transformed education so more kids couldpursuethose dreams. as president, he provedthat, with the right choices, you could grow theeconomy, lift people out ofpoverty. we could shrink our deficitsand still invest in our families,our health, our schools, science,technology. in other words, we can gofarther when we look outfor each other.

and as we’ve all seen, aspresident, he was just getting started. he doesn’t stop. he’s helpedleadrelief efforts after the asian tsunami, hurricane katrina, the haiti earthquake. hisfoundation and global initiative havehelped to save or improve the lives of literally hundredsof millions ofpeople. and, of course, i am mostgrateful for his patience during the endlesstravels of my secretary ofstate. (laughter.)

so i’m grateful, bill, as wellfor the advice and counsel that you’ve offered me on and offthe golfcourse. (laughter.) and most importantly, for your lifesavingwork around the world,which represents what’s the very best in america. so thank you so much, president clinton. (applause.)

so these are the recipients ofthe 2022 presidential medal of freedom. these are the menand women who in their e_traordinary lives remind usall of the beauty of the human spirit,the values that define us as americans,the potential that lives inside of all of us. i could notbe more happy and more honored to participate in thisceremony here today.

with that, what i would like todo is invite our honorees to just sit there and let all of usstand and giveyou a big round of applause. (applause.)

i guess we should actually givethem the medals, though. (laughter.) where are my --herewe go. lee, you want to hit it?

military aide: presidential medal of freedom recipients.

ernie banks. (applause.) with an unmatched enthusiasm for america’s pastime, erniebanks slugged,sprinted and smiled his way into the record books. known to fans as “mr. cub,”he played ane_traordinary 19 seasons with the chicago cubs, during which he was named to11all-star teams, hit over 500 home runs, and won back-to-back most valuableplayer honors.ernie banks was electedto the baseball hall of fame in 1977, and he will forever be known asone ofthe finest power hitters and most dynamic players of all time. (applause.)

benjamin crowninshieldbradlee. (applause.) a titan of journalism, benjamincrowninshieldbradlee is one of the most respected newsmen of his generation. after servingour nation in world war ii, benbradlee went on to defend liberty here at home. testing thelimits of a freepress during his tenure as e_ecutive editor of the washington post, heoversawcoverage of the watergate scandal and successfully challenged the federalgovernmentover the right to publish the pentagon papers. his passion foraccuracy and unyielding pursuitof truth continue to set the standard forjournalism. (applause.)

the honorable william j.clinton. (applause.) among the finest public servants of ourtime,president william j. clinton argued cases for the people of arkansas, servedhis state in thegovernor’s mansion, and guided our nation into a newcentury. as the 42nd president oftheunited states, bill clinton oversaw an era of challenge and change, prosperityand progress.his work after leavingpublic office continues to reflect his passionate, unendingcommitment toimproving the lives and livelihoods of people around the world. in respondingto needs both at home andabroad, and as founder of the clinton foundation, he has shown thatthroughcreative cooperation among women and men of goodwill, we can solve eventhemost intractable problems. (applause.)

irene hirano inouye, accepting onbehalf of her husband, the honorable daniel k. inouye. (applause.) a true patriot and dedicated public servant, daniel k. inouye understoodthepower of leaders when united in common purpose to protect and promote thetenets wecherish as americans. as amember of the revered 442nd regimental combat team, danielinouye helped freeeurope from the grasp of tyranny during world war ii, for which he receivedthemedal of honor. representing the peopleof hawaii from the moment the islands joined theunion, he never lost sight ofthe ideals that bind us across the 50 states. senator inouye’sreason and resolve helped make our country what it is today,and for that, we honor him. (applause.)

dr. daniel kahneman. (applause.) daniel kahneman’s groundbreaking work earned him anobel prize ineconomic sciences for his research developing prospect theory. after escapingfrom nazi-occupied france as ayoung boy and later joining the israel defense forces, dr.kahneman grewinterested in understanding the origins of people’s beliefs. combiningpsychology and economic analysis,and working alongside dr. amos tversky, dr. kahnemanused simple e_periments todemonstrate how people make decisions under uncertaincircumstances, and heforever changed the way we view human judgment. (applause.)

the honorable richard g.lugar. (applause.) representing the state of indiana for overthreedecades in the united states senate, richard g. lugar put country aboveparty and self toforge bipartisan consensus. throughout his time in the senate, he offered effective solutionsto ournational and international problems, advocating for the control of nuclear armsand otherweapons of mass destruction. working with senator sam nunn, richard lugar establishedthe nunn-lugarcooperative threat reduction program, one of our country’s mostsuccessfulnational security initiatives, helping to sustain american leadership andengagenations in collaboration after decades of confrontation. he remains a strong voice on foreignpolicyissues, and his informed perspective will have broad influence for years tocome. (applause.)

loretta lynn. (applause.) born a coal miner’s daughter, loretta lynn has followed a boldpath tobecome a legend in country music. asinger, songwriter, and author, she has writtendozens of chart-topping songs,released scores of albums, and won numerous accolades.breaking barriers in country music andentertainment, she opened doors for women not only bywinning tremendousachievements, but also by raising issues few dared to discuss. fearlesslytelling her own stories withcandor and humor, loretta lynn has brought a strong female voiceto mainstreammusic, captured the emotions of women and men alike, and revealed thecommontruths about life as it is lived. (applause.)

dr. mario molina. (applause.) the curiosity and creativity that inspired mario molina toconvert hisfamily’s bathroom into a laboratory as a child have driven him through decadesofscientific research. born in me_ico,dr. molina’s passion for chemistry brought him to the unitedstates, where hisinvestigations of chlorofluorocarbons led to breakthroughs in ourunderstandingof how they deplete the ozone layer. theimpact of his discoveries e_tends farbeyond his field, affecting environmentalpolicy and fostering international awareness, as wellas earning him the 1995nobel prize in chemistry. today, dr.molina remains a global leader,continuing to study air quality, climatechange, and the environment that connects us all. (applause.)

tam o’shaughnessy accepting onbehalf of her life partner, dr. sally k. ride. (applause.)thirty years ago, dr.sally k. ride soared into space as the youngest american and first womantowear the stars and stripes above earth’s atmosphere. as an astronaut, she sought to keepamericaat the forefront of space e_ploration. as a role model, she fought tirelessly to inspireyoung people --especially girls -- to become scientifically literate and to pursue careersinscience, technology, engineering, and math. at the end of her life, she became aninspiration for those battlingpancreatic cancer, and for the lesbian, gay, bise_ual, andtransgendercommunity. the tale of a quiet hero,sally ride’s story demonstrates that the sky isno limit for those who dream ofreaching for the stars. (applause.)

walter naegle accepting on behalfof his partner, bayard rustin. (applause.) bayard rustinwas agiant in the american civil rights movement. openly gay at a time when many had tohide who they loved, hisunwavering belief that we are all equal members of a “single humanfamily” tookhim from his first freedom ride to the lesbian, gay, bise_ual, and transgenderrightsmovement. thanks to hisunparalleled skills as an organizer, progress that once seemedimpossibleappears, in retrospect, to have been inevitable. fifty years after the march onwashington heorganized, america honors bayard rustin as one of its greatest architectsforsocial change and a fearless advocate for its most vulnerable citizens. (applause.)

arturo sandoval. (applause.) arturo sandoval is one of the world’s finest jazz musicians.born into poverty in cuba and held back byhis government, he risked everything to share hisgifts with the world --eventually defecting with help from dizzy gillespie, his mentorandfriend. in the decades since, thisastonishing trumpeter, pianist, and composer hasinspired audiences in everycorner of the world and awakened a new generation of greatperformers. he remains one of the best ever to play. (applause.)

linnea smith, accepting on behalfof her husband, dean e. smith. (applause.) dean e.smith spent36 seasons taking college basketball to new heights. as head coach at theuniversity of northcarolina at chapel hill, he led his team to 11 final fours, two nationaltitles,and 879 victories, retiring as the winningest men’s college basketballcoach in history. deansmith brought thesame commitment to supporting his players off the court. he helped morethan 96 percent of hislettermen graduate. and in an era ofdeep division, he taught players toovercome bigotry with courage andcompassion. he will forever stand as oneof the greatestcoaches in college basketball history. (applause.)

gloria steiner. (applause.) a trailblazing writer and feminist organizer, gloria steinem hasbeen atthe forefront of the fight for equality and social justice for more than fourdecades.instrumental to a broad rangeof initiatives and issues, from establishing ms. magazine and takeourdaughters to work day, to pushing for women’s self-empowerment and an end tose_trafficking. she has promotedlasting political and social change in america and abroad.through her reporting and speaking, she hasshaped debates on the intersection of se_ and race,brought critical problemsto national attention, and forged new opportunities for women inmedia. gloria steinem continues to move us all totake up the cause of reaching for a more justtomorrow. (applause.)

reverend c.t. vivian. (applause.) equipped only with courage and an overwhelmingcommitment to socialjustice, the reverend c.t. vivian was a stalwart activist on the marchtowardracial equality. whether at a lunchcounter, on a freedom ride, or behind the bars of aprison cell, he wasunafraid to take bold action in the face of fierce resistance. by pushingchange through nonviolentdemonstration and advocacy, c.t. vivian established and lednumerousorganizations to support underserved individuals and communities. his legacy ofcombating injustice will shineas an e_ample for generations to come. (applause.)

patricia mcgowan wald. (applause.) patricia mcgowan wald made history as the first womanappointed to theunited states court of appeals for the district of columbia circuit. rising tochief judge of the court, shealways strove to better understand the law and fairly apply it.after leaving federal service, judge waldhelped institute standards for justice and the rule oflaw at the internationalcriminal tribunal for the former yugoslavia in the hague. hailed as amodel judge, she laid afoundation for countless women within the legal profession and helpedunveilthe humanity within the law. (applause.)

oprah g. winfrey. (applause.) oprah g. winfrey is a global media icon. when she launchedthe oprah winfrey show in 1986, there were few women-- and even fewer women of color --with a national platform to discuss theissues and events shaping our times. butover the 25years that followed, oprah winfrey’s innate gift for tapping intoour most fervent hopes anddeepest fears drew millions of viewers across everybackground, making her show the highest-rated talk show in televisionhistory. off screen, oprah winfrey hasused her influence to supportunderserved communities and to lift up the livesof young people -- especially young women --around the world. in her story, we are reminded that no dreamcan be deferred when we refuseto let life’s obstacles keep us down. (applause.)

the president: the medal of freedom honorees -- please. (applause.)

well, that concludes the formalpart of today’s ceremony. i want tothank all of you forbeing here. obviously,we are deeply indebted to those who we honor here today. and we’regoing to have an opportunity totake some pictures with the honorees and their familymembers.

the rest of you, i understand thefood here is pretty good. (laughter.) soi hope you enjoythe reception, and i hope we carry away from this a reminderof what jfk understood to be theessence of the american spirit -- that it’srepresented here. and some of us may belesstalented, but we all have the opportunity to serve and to open people’shearts and minds inour smaller orbits. so i hope everybody has been as inspired, as i have been, participatingandbeing with these people here today.

thank you very much,everybody. (applause.)

第6篇 罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿

下面是__小编为你精心编辑整理的罗斯福-四项自由英语演讲稿，希望对你有所帮助!

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第7篇 个人自由与社会公德演讲稿范文

各位老师、同学，大家好：

咦？我怎么觉得大家眼神不对劲呢？好像有些许愤慨、还有一丝不满？哦，（手拍额头）对不起，刚才主持人念到我时，我突然想起了一件事，所以让我的思想自由驰骋了会，上台晚了些。大家是为这个对我有意见吧？（憨笑）正好，我也想借这个，说说今天我要演讲的主题“个人自由与社会公德”。刚才，我纵容了我的自由，让“思想”飞了一会，却无意中冒犯了大家宝贵的10秒，因为按照程序，这个时间应该是我上台演讲的时间，违背了我们的社会公德。在这里，我诚挚的跟大家说声：对不起！

大家的眼睛是雪亮的，因为我从大家的眼睛中感受到了“不满”。但是，我没有听到大家斥责我的声音！如果我没有从大家的眼神中感受到大家对我的谴责，而正好又没有人谴责我，那是不是刚才的迟到就可以当作没有发生？因为我没有意识到，而又没有人让我意识到呀。（耸肩、摊手，做无辜状）其实这就是如今人们漠视社会公德的原因。一方面，没有形成一个有效的社会舆论。当你意识到有违社会公德的形为发生时，应该及时正确、大胆的说出来。用有声的语言说出来或者写出来，而不仅仅是自己内心的一个感知而已。另一方面，当今的社会，科技的发展、网络的进步，人们更强调自我，强调个性。在追求个性自由的同时，迷失了社会公德却浑然不知。因为我们太过自我，太过自由，殊不知，这一切的太过终将让我们付出沉重的代价！

社会公德和个人自由就像风筝和线，风筝只有在线的指引下才不会飘零天涯；个人自由只有在社会公德的指引下才能得到充分体现。飞回流转五千年，从“采菊东篱下，悠然见南山”到“挟飞仙以遨游，抱明月而长终”。个人自由总伴随着超然外物，逍遥自得，流淌于历史的松涛竹林之中。春花落了秋日清，冬雪融了夏虫鸣。社会公德和个人的自由相辅相承。顺着社会公德的线，我们可以看到，个人自由的风筝蹁跹起舞。

我崇尚自由，向往自由，追求自由，相信在座的同学，跟我一样都有着对自由的执著。曾经热血青年‘为中华崛起而读书’，作为新时代的我们，在和平与发展的年代中，更应该发奋图强、好好学习，勇做时代的弄潮儿，将先辈的旗帜继承下来发扬光大！在我们努力学知识、学文化的同时，同样不能忽略体能的锻炼。身体是革命的本钱，强身健体同等重要！很喜欢一句话‘一滴水也能折射出太阳的光辉’。纵使我们无法辉煌于历史，纵使个人的力量再渺小，只要我们为理想和自由而努力，依旧也能闪亮他人、折射光辉。一次弯腰，可以整齐一方土地；一次行礼，可以温暖他人心房。小小的善举，也可以让世界多些温暖与阳光！只要人人献出一点爱，这世界将变成美丽的人间！

在我们追求个人自由的时候，不应盲从。在社会公德的指引下，我们可以获得更多的自由。文明礼貌是社会公德，助人为乐是社会公德，爱护公物是社会公德，保护环境是社会公德，遵纪守法同样是社会公德。社会公德是要融入我们的一言一行中的，是融入我们的日常生活中的。社会公德不是束缚个人自由的枷锁，它更像一盏指路明灯，点亮我们前行的路。在‘社会公德’这盏灯光的指引下，在追求个人自由的路上，我们可以走得更从容、更淡定！

我的演讲完了，谢谢大家！

第8篇 关于自由的英语演讲稿

freedom is an important right of people. it usually refers that you can do want you want and live the life you want. of course it must be on the basis that you can’t affect others’ freedom. otherwise it does not belong to your freedom anymore. in my opinion freedom is not you can do whatever you want but you don’t have to do what you don’t want to.

we live in the same society which there are many rules onstraining our behaviors. therefore we can’t do whatever we want. but we are not forced to do what we don’t want to is freedom.

关于自由的英语演讲稿

第9篇 校园民主与自由演讲稿

尊敬的各位老师，敬爱的同学们，早上好。我今天演讲的题目是，深中学子应该追求和拥有怎样的校园民主与自由。我想回答几个问题。

第一个问题：民主与自由的价值是什么？意大利著名诗人斐多菲说：生命诚可贵，爱情价更高；若为自由故，二者皆可抛。自由的价值超过了生命和爱情，可见珍贵至极。97年前的1919年的'五四'运动和新文化运动，在中国最黑暗的年代，一群激情澎湃的热血青年呐喊出了民主自由的口号：'追求民主与自由，才是救国之路。'2022年，国家主持公布的24个字的社会主义核心价值观中，赫然醒目的，有'民主''自由'的四个大字，实现民主自由，也是今天中国的强国之路。总之，民主与自由，是人类的进步的产物，是人类最宝贵的精神财富和政治财富。深中，尊重和探讨民主与自由，顺应了社会进步的潮流。

我回答的第二个问题是：校园民主与自由的价值是什么？我以为，校园民主与自由的价值，应该表现在两个方面：第一，从教育本身来说，如果把教育的对象置于一种平等的地位，让学生积极参与，细致思辨，敢于质疑和批判，敢于与众不同，发挥学生的主体意识，点燃智慧的火花，激发起无穷的求知的欲望，将更有利于知识真正的掌握和能力的真正的提高。尤其是在今天，世界各国的激烈竞争，主要表现为科技和人才。刚才我们进会场的时候，看到我们画面上的神舟发射已经成功，这都是中国科学的进步。在现在追求民主自由的氛围中，培养发掘新人才，更加离不开民主与自由的氛围。第二，从国家层面来说，实现校园民主与自由，是国家民主法治建设的重要组成部分。如何正确行事民主自由权利，需要从学生、从校园做起。因此，推动校园民主与自由，将有利于国家的民主与法制的进步。总之，推进校园民主与自由，对于教育本身和国家的民主法制都有积极意义。因此，深中的教育理念，才有了以学生为中心，充分地尊重和信任学生；才给了同学们更多的自由选择和民主权利。

我回答的第三个问题是：深中学子应该拥有怎样的校园民主与自由？点击百度'深圳中学',我们可以获得以下重要信息：深圳中学是广东省深圳市的一所公办完全中学。1983年6月被定为深圳市唯一的省重点中学；1993年11月被评为广东省首批一级学校；我想下面指出的是，2004年，深圳中学被定为国家新课改样板校。十多年前的课改，把深圳中学民主与自由的水平推到了一个新的高度。同时，也带来了一些争论和困惑。今天，我们就在争论；今天，我们就是要解惑。亲爱的同学们，你了解深中的校徽吗？它的含义是什么？深中的校标由高山、大海、太阳三部分组成。它的意象，宣誓的是这样的一种办学理念：壁立千仞，不拒细壤；沧海无涯，不择细流。惟其'主动发展，共同成长，不断超越'（学校的办学理念）才能以生之有涯而随海之无涯，以身之跬步而凌峰之绝顶，成为横绝沧海，览小众山的太阳。太阳是深中学子的象征——他们能自主发现和实现个人的潜能，成为他们最好的自己；而且他们无论身在何处，都能尊重自然，关爱他人，服务社会，造福世界，并且乐在其中。

那么深中有应该追去和拥有怎样的校园民主与自由呢？我认为，深中的民主及自由，首先应该表现在课堂上。在深中，有这样一群老师：他们特别尊重学生的人格和个性，他们总是微笑着向学生投去信任和欣赏的目光；他们公开坦言，在知识和真理面前，没有唯唯诺诺，他们是在真正地鼓励学生独立思考、积极思辨，大胆发表不同的见解；他们从不苛责，更不会威吓学生。在我的课堂上，即便是在我的那么多的高三的课堂上，正在侃侃而谈的安老师可以被学生当场打断；神圣的公理可以公开质疑；记忆性的结论可以重新讨论。一句话，深中学子就是深中的主体、深中课堂的主体、课堂的中心，是深中课堂的太阳。我们欣喜地看到，在深中的课堂上，已经培养了一种亦师亦友，即'吾爱吾师，吾更爱真理'的关系。我也时常在想，也许就是因为深中有这样的民主与自由的课堂，深中才能培养出马化腾这样的杰出少年。我以为，亲爱的同学们，深中的民主与自由的最大价值，也是深中最大的内忧所在。

在这里，我不得不遗憾地指出，有一部分同学对校园民主和自由的理解非常片面、狭隘和化，向外宣称的自由，只停留在表面的可以不穿校服，可以使用手机，甚至还可以所谓'不受批评'地谈情说爱。其次，深中的民主与自由还表现在丰富多彩的课外活动中。课堂之外更是深中学子民主与自由的天地。在校规允许的范围内，我的事情我做主。在深中这么多年，我最满意的就是深中社团活动的丰富多彩，以及透过这些活动，展现的深中学子的自主意识、参与的热情、各色的智慧以及出色的能力。我也常常这样想：也许就是因为深中有这样民主与自由的课外活动天地，深中才会培养出刘若鹏这样的优秀校友。一句话，深中学子是深中课外活动的太阳，学校和老师欣赏并支持你们。但我不得不指出，有些同学对自己在学校管理中的地位和作用有不解，并由不解产生了错误行为。这既不利于学校工作的开展，也不利于学生参与管理学校水平和能力的提升。因此，进行正本清源，拨乱反正…最后，我想以这样一句话来结束我今天的演讲：深中的魅力，深中的强大，深中既让人无比强大，又让人真正敬佩的是，深中学子不仅拥有很多校园民主与自由的权利，更在于他们学会了尊重，分享，以及克制和约束。

让校园自由呼吸民主的空气

最近蒲公英评论网屡屡曝光校园种种怪现象，无论是校服、校歌的不合时宜，还是师生关系的尴尬紧张，都由不得人不去思考。

人的认识千万不能如盲人摸象一般，仅仅就事论事，常常在表面上说道，很难从实质上去发现。校园发生的一系列是是非非，说实在的，看上去有些吸人眼球，殊不知，这些都是老掉牙故事的重演而已。

难怪有经验的老教师，他们看着我写的一些话题会发笑，问之，原来这些问题已经存在多少年头了，只不过那时候自己也特别热心，久而久之，习以为常，也就不见得奇怪了。

可见，我们仅仅议论事情本身，不找找事情之间的核心联系，那么，依旧与多少年前一样，事儿还在发生，议论依旧在进行，就像井水与河水，很少有连着的时候，这样的尴尬关系是不能解决问题，只能让一些人的情绪得以发泄，引得好事者驻足观光而已。说不定，媒体就是希望这样的目的，但作为教育工作者，我觉得解决问题才是王道。

种种怪象的出现有其理由，根本点在于我们的校园缺乏民主的气息，这直接导致许多事儿反反复复地较劲儿，就像初春时节冷暖空气相互碰撞，搞得人间春季如四季，而不是四季如春。

我觉得校园想要和谐温馨的发展，就应该营造四季如春的氛围，而不是朝令夕改，人人自危，搞得一日如四季，人不知道什么时候会如何。

有人说，真正的校园应该是知识学习思考的自由王国，在这样的王国里，人与人之间可能会因为出身不同，但是没有三六九等。我深有同感，如果校园依旧处于压迫之下，那么出现种种怪现象是不足为奇的。

俗话说，哪里有压迫哪里就有反抗，实际上，为了维护学校的暂时宁静，我们的压迫者可谓是想尽办法，搞出千万种花样，目的就是让每个受教育者消停，不要与学校作对。如此，成立'反省室',半夜突袭寝室没收学生手机，……真的佩服学校管理者的用心，他们打着一切为孩子好的旗帜，殊不知，这样的旗帜下的行为却往往是违法的。我们知道所谓'反省室'实际上就是差生的集中营，置身其中如被放逐一般，这显然与新课改面向全体是背道而驰的。'反省室'不是金庸笔下的思过崖，毕竟，思过崖住着的令狐冲还有小师妹牵挂，只能是学校放弃责任的一种糟糕表现。学生不是犯人，无需所谓的改造，学校的目的应该是促进学生生长，而不是利用压迫的方式来给孩子分成三六九等。

人可以有阶级，但是千万不能有等级，正因为如此，亚历山大大帝可以与第欧根尼在阳光下自由谈话。人一旦有了等级，人与人之间的关系就会冷漠、刻薄起来，读一读鲁迅先生写的《故乡》，善良的豆腐西施杨二嫂，诚实本分的闰土哥，在等级的压迫下，与迅哥儿的微妙关系在言行中怎么不令人伤心。

我们的学校在有意无意的划分三六九等，教师戴着有色眼镜看孩子，家长老是叮嘱自家孩子只能与什么样的孩子玩耍，这一切都造就了学校关系异常紧张与莫名尴尬。一些孩子为啥有厌学情绪，说到底，不就是学校没有自己可以发光发热的平台，整日里浑浑噩噩，自然觉得学校没什么意思。

社会似乎比学校更加宽容，许多另类的孩子在同等社会规则的引导下，在人格上拥有了暂时平等的地位，导致孩子出了校门进行再次洗牌，那些在学校里老师不入法眼的孩子，不一定在社会上就没有出息，只不过因为接受能力的问题，自己可能学习知识存在差异，但这不能让一个孩子在成长过程中失去任性、善良和宽容。我觉得校园应该提倡与人为善，这不仅是学生之间，还包括师生之间，学校管理者与普通教师之间，如果让与人为善消失，仅仅围绕分数在过分较劲，那么人与人之间的关系只能如拧螺丝一样，愈来愈紧，到头来，痛苦不断，愈是作为愈是不利于学校和谐发展。

孔夫子提出天下归仁，说到底，就是把人当人，就算什么君君臣臣父父子子是封建落后的思想，但在人充分认识自我角色之后，不越规矩，本分做人，这恰恰是社会和谐的根本。为此，夫子教育强调有教无类，没有搞什么精英主义教育。这一点上，他与希望仰慕的耶稣颇为相似。耶稣爱天下人，不管这些人如何，都会抱有悲天悯人之心，正因为如此，天堂才会变得和谐。不是有这样的故事，讲述天堂与地狱的区别，尽管天堂与地狱的精灵都拿着一个长长的汤勺，然而相互的表情却天壤之别，为啥呢，天堂的精灵脸上洋溢着无限快乐，原因很简单，精灵之间相互帮助，知道为别人着想，而地狱里的精灵却尽可能地把汤勺往自己嘴巴送，可惜的是，汤勺太长，自然没办法实现愿望，只能非常痛苦。

那么，什么是仁爱，孔子说得好，忠恕两个字，即几所勿欲勿施于人，我们不要强人所难，要学会将心比心，否则，你所做的一切都不会得到满意的结局。

我们大人之所以特别痛苦，那就是一个劲儿地一厢情愿，总是以为你前途着想为托辞，目的就是希望孩子按照自己的意愿去成长，殊不知，这种一厢情愿常常因为好高骛远变得异常尴尬复杂，人与人之间会三句话不到就吵起架来。

教育的最高境界应该是什么样子，我觉得时下的教育依旧是计划经济思维的延续，没有真正意义上与市场经济思维完美结合起来。我们都知道，过去的供销社为啥冷冷清清，就是一个个糟糕的柜台在阻碍着销售者与消费者畅意的交流，而如今的超市，人可以自由的在其中选择心仪的物品，不需要有任何的负担，就算两手空空回家也没什么关系。记得小时候，我最怕去中心商场去买什么东西，问题在哪儿，就是你没跑到什么地方，只要稍微看上几眼，马上就会有人投来不信任的目光，似乎来的不是顾客，是小偷一般。尽管如今的超市也装有摄像头，但又有几个人愿意注意那玩意呢？

教育需要建立在信任的基础上，没有了信任，我们就会戴着灰色的眼镜来看待孩子的成长，到那时，一些属于成长中正常的问题也会变得大惊小怪起来，似乎，孩子永远是不懂事的，自己一直在为孩子好，等到大人与孩子之间没有了应有的尊重，关系就变得尴尬起来。

学校从自身发展的角度出发，自然会想出各种方式来平息师生之间的不愉快，从而出现了如此的尴尬景象：学生抱怨老师不理解自己，老师埋怨学生不懂事，学校感叹师生愈来愈难以管理，继续下去，就算措施多如牛毛，只能让校园师生关系愈来愈尴尬，产生冲突也就在所难免了，毕竟，学生的另一头是连着复杂多变一点也不逊于校园家庭、社会。

我们为啥不能够坐下来好好谈谈，不要以为大人与孩子之间没有共同语言，只要大人不自以为是，孩子常常也是通情达理的，这就需要每个教育工作者敢于放下架子，真心诚实的与学生进行商量，达成真正意义上的共识，这才是学校和谐发展的关键。不管北京十一中今后的改革发展会变成啥样，可能高考未必达到社会的期望，但从管理过程来看，以学生为中心，激发学生主人翁意识，让师生之间和谐共存，这样的校园至少在孩子们心中是美丽天堂，只要孩子们满意，又有啥不好呢？不是有一所农村的高中实现了逆袭吗？原因很简单，学校校长真诚对待每个人，这才是关键。

由此可见，校园应该拥有民主的气息，千万不能被死气沉沉的空气窒息每个孩子健康阳光成长，否则，学校又怎么会充满活力，我们的教育又怎么可能与世界同步，保持核心竞争力呢？

第10篇 陈寅恪励志演讲稿：独立之精神 自由之思想

我的思想，我的主张完全见于我所写的王国维纪念碑中。

王国维死后，学生刘节等请我撰文纪念。

当时正值国民党统一时，立碑时间有案可查。

在当时，清华校长是罗家伦，是二陈派去的，众所周知。

我当时是清华研究院导师，认为王国维是近世学术界最主要的人物，故撰文来昭示天下后世研究学问的人，特别是研究史学的人。

我认为研究学术，最主要的是要具有自由的意志和独立的精神，所以我说

“士之读书治学，盖将一脱心志于俗谛之桎梏。”

“俗谛”在当时即指三民主义而言。

必须脱掉“俗谛之桎梏”，真理才能发挥，受“俗谛之桎梏”，没有自由思想，没有独立精神，即不能发扬真理，即不能研究学术。

学说有无错误，这是可以商量的，我对于王国维即是如此。

王国维的学说中，也有错的，如关于蒙古史上的一些问题，我认为就可以商量。

我的学说也有错误，也可以商量，个人之间的争吵，不必芥蒂。

我、你都应该如此。

我写王国维诗，中间骂了梁任公，给梁任公看，梁任公只笑了笑，不以为芥蒂。

我对胡适也骂过。但对于独立精神，自由思想，我认为是最重要的，所以我说

“唯此独立之精神，自由之思想，历千万祀，与天壤而同久，共三光而永光。”

我认为王国维之死，不关与罗振玉之恩怨，不关满清之灭亡，其一死乃以见其独立自由之意志。

独立精神和自由意志是必须争的，且须以生死力争。

正如词文所示，

“思想而不自由，毋宁死耳。斯古今仁圣同殉之精义，夫岂庸鄙之敢望。”

一切都是小事，惟此是大事。

碑文中所持之宗旨，至今并未改易。

第11篇 2022自由演讲稿()

i would like to congratulate the government and people of south africa on your 20th year of democracy. your peaceful and negotiated transition from the oppressive days of apartheid to democracy in 1994 served as an inspiration to millions. it was a long and difficult struggle for freedom that cost many lives. some feared that south africa’s first truly democratic elections would lead to more violence, but they were proved wrong and the peaceful elections held on this day 20 years ago were a testament to the optimism, the vision and the courage of the new south africa. as millions of people e_ercised their right to vote for the first time, you showed the world that democracy and an end to discrimination in all its forms were universal aspirations. and the process of truce, reconciliation and forgiveness initiated by the late nelson mandela and led by archbishop tutu was an e_ample to us all. your successful transition demonstrated what a country can achieve and its people stand united in the course of justice and freedom.

since that transition, the links between south africa and the united kingdom have deepenedand matured. we are proud to share such strong ties with your country in areas from science totrade to culture, and i hope we can continue to work closely together.

nelson mandela said at the dawn of democracy in 1994 that south africa had entered acovenant that would build a society in which all south africans, black and white, would be able,he said, “to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right tohuman dignity—a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world”. this vision shouldcontinue to inspire people across the world for many years to come.

加拿大自由党领袖贾斯廷·特鲁多获胜英语演讲稿

sunny ways, my friends, sunny ways. this is whatpositive politics can do. this is what a causative,hopeful – a hopeful vision and a platform and ateam together can make happen. canadians –canadians from all across this great country sent aclear message tonight. it's time for a change in thiscountry, my friends, a real change.

i also want to specifically thank my good friendskatie telford and gerald butts. katie and gerry aretwo of the smartest, toughest, hardest workingpeople you will find anywhere. they share with me the conviction that politics doesn't have tobe negative and personal to be successful, that – that you can appeal to the better angels ofour nature, and you can win while doing it.

tonight, my very good friends, we proved that. i hope it is an inspiration to like-mindedpeople to step up and pitch in, to get involved in the public life of this country and to knowthat a positive, optimistic, hopeful vision of public life isn't a naive dream; it can be apowerful force for change.

and i also want to thank the incredible volunteers that made tonight happen. over 80,000canadians got involved in the core of this campaign. they knocked on their neighbours' doors.they made phone calls. they sent emails. hundreds of thousands more supported us activelywith their friends and online. they convinced their neighbours and their families. and all ofthese people had one thing in common: they care deeply about their families, theircommunities and their country. they believe that better is possible and that active citizens canplay a real part in making it happen.

now, this movement we've built was fuelled by these amazing volunteers, and from thebottom of my heart, i thank you.

now, i want to take a moment to speak about my colleagues across the aisle. tonight, ireceived phone calls from all of them, including from mr. harper. stephen harper has servedthis country for a decade, and as with anyone who has devoted their life to this country, wethank him for his service.

now, over the course of this campaign, i had the opportunity to have a couple of briefpersonal conversations with him about our families. it reminded me of the e_traordinary andunique sacrifices that are made by anybody who serves this country at the highest levels, and iwant to remind everyone, as i've said many times over the course of this campaign:conservatives are not our enemies, they're our neighbours. leadership is about bringing peopleof all different perspectives together.

now, you're all going to hear a lot tonight and tomorrow about me and about our campaign.lots of people are going to have lots of opinions about why we were successful. well, for threeyears, we had a very old-fashioned strategy. we met with and talked with as many canadiansas we could, and we listened. we won this election because we listened. we did the hard workof slogging it across the country. we met with hundreds of people in the dead of winter in thearctic and with thousands of people in brampton in the middle of this campaign.

you built this platform. you built this movement. you told us what you need to be successful.you told us what kind of government you want, and we built the plan to make it happen. incoffee shops and in town halls, in church basements and in gurdwaras, you gathered. you spenttime together with us, and you told us about the kind of country you want to build and leave toyour children.

over the past three years, you told us what you're going through. you told us that it's gettingharder and harder to make ends meet, let alone to get ahead. you told us you're worried aboutwhether you'll be able to afford a dignified retirement. you told us that your communities needinvestment. you told us you need a fair shot at better jobs. you are the inspiration for ourefforts. you are the reason why we worked so hard to be here tonight, and you will be at theheart of this new government.

so my message to you tonight, my fellow citizens, is simple: have faith in yourselves and inyour country, know that we can make anything happen if we set our minds to it and work hard.

i didn't make history tonight, you did. and don't let anyone tell you any differently. i know thati am on stage tonight for one reason and one reason only: because you put me here. and yougave me clear marching orders. you want a government that works as hard as you do, one thatis focused every minute of every day on growing the economy, creating jobs and strengtheningthe middle class, one that is devoted to helping less fortunate canadian families work theirway into the middle class.

you want a prime minister who knows canada is a country strong, not in spite of ourdifferences, but because of them, a pm who never seeks to divide canadians, but takes everysingle opportunity to bring us together. you want a prime minister who knows that ifcanadians are to trust their government, their government needs to trust canadians, a pm whounderstands that openness and transparency means better, smarter decisions. you want aprime minister that knows that a renewed nation-to-nation relationship with indigenouspeoples that respects rights and honours treaties must be the basis for how we work to closethe gap and walk forward together.

canadians – canadians have spoken. you want a government with a vision and an agenda forthis country that is positive and ambitious and hopeful. well, my friends, i promise youtonight that i will lead that government. i will make that vision a reality. i will be that primeminister.

in this election, 1,792 canadians stepped up, put their names on ballots and on lawn signsand ran for office. three hundred and thirty-eight of them were chosen by you to be their voicesin ottawa, and i pledge tonight that i will listen to all of them.

there are a thousand stories i could share with you about this remarkable campaign, but iwant you to think about one in particular. last week, i met a young mom in st. catharines,ontario. she practises the muslim faith and was wearing a hijab. she made her way through thecrowd and handed me her infant daughter, and as she leaned forward, she said something thati will never forget. she said she's voting for us because she wants to make sure that her littlegirl has the right to make her own choices in life and that our government will protect thoserights.

to her, i say this: you and your fellow citizens have chosen a new government, a governmentthat believes deeply in the diversity of our country. we know in our bones that canada wasbuilt by people from all corners of the world who worship every faith, who belong to everyculture, who speak every language.

we believe in our hearts that this country's unique diversity is a blessing bestowed upon usby previous generations of canadians, canadians who stared down prejudice and foughtdiscrimination in all its forms. we know that our enviable, inclusive society didn't happen byaccident and won't continue without effort. i have always known this; canadians know it too. ifnot, i might have spoken earlier this evening and given a very different speech.

have faith in your fellow citizens, my friends. they are kind and generous. they are open-minded and optimistic. and they know in their heart of hearts that a canadian is a canadian,is a canadian.

my friends, we beat fear with hope. we beat cynicism with hard work. we beat negative,divisive politics with a positive vision that brings canadians together. most of all, we defeatedthe idea that canadians should be satisfied with less, that good enough is good enough andthat better just isn't possible. well, my friends, this is canada, and in canada, better is alwayspossible.

thank you. thank you very much.

劳动节升旗演讲稿：为自由奋斗 为劳动喝彩

5月1日是国际劳动节，这是全世界劳动人民自己的节日。今天，我们站在鲜艳的五星红旗下，应该怎样纪念和庆祝这一伟大光辉的节日呢?

1886年的5月1日，美国的资产阶级政府出动大批军队和警察，残酷地镇压了芝加哥工人因要求改善劳动条件而进行的集会斗争。这说明，工人阶级不要说争取主人的地位，就是要求改善基本的生活条件也会遭受到血腥的镇压。

把五月一日定为国际劳动节，就是旨在动员并团结全世界无产阶级及劳动人民，为争取自身的自由、解放，为最终实现当家作主的权利而不懈斗争。

我国的无产阶级和广大劳动人民在中国共产党的领导下，经过艰苦卓绝的斗争，使当家作主的梦想变成了现实，人民成了国家和社会的主人，享有广泛的民主权利，以主人翁的精神投入到建设社会主义的伟大事业中去。

我们的社会主义祖国正呈现出蓬勃生机，焕发出旺盛活动力，以昂扬的姿态阔步迈向二十一世纪。

我们——作为跨世纪的一代建设者和接班人，将责无旁贷地挑起建设社会主义现代化强国的重担，以主人翁的态度投入到建设祖国的伟大事业中去。

作为一名中学生，从小就应该树立主人翁的意识，关心国家大事，热爱自己的家园，树立远大的志向，把自己的前途同祖国的命运结合起来，使自己成为一个有理想有志气有抱负有高尚品质的人。我们要培养劳动感情，养成劳动习惯，珍惜劳动成果，积极参加社会实践活动。

当然，最重要的还是要努力学习科学文化知识，扎实掌握一技之长，为将来把我国建设繁荣富强打下良好的基础!

这才是对“五?一”国际劳动节最好的的纪念。

罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿

下面是__小编为你精心编辑整理的罗斯福-四项自由英语演讲稿，希望对你有所帮助!

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第12篇 大学生世界读书日征文和演讲稿:最后的自由

大学生世界读书日征文和演讲稿:最后的自由

——续弗兰克《活出意义来》

苏州大学哲学系 成相如

从2000年起，我用了二年的时间寻找一本书。而我把所在省会城市的书店翻遍也未见它的影子。直到2002年借着去北京的机会，才在出版社服务部的地下室找到它。当我把这本心仪许久的书捧于掌上时，它的封面上闪着这几个字：《活出意义来》［奥］弗兰克著。

这本讲述犹太医生弗兰克在纳粹集中营里的遭遇的小书，在我精神最困顿的时候，给了我莫大的鼓励。我用二年来寻它是值得的。是他的这句话：“人所拥有的任何东西，都可以被剥夺，惟独人生最后的自由——也就是在任何境遇中选择一己态度和生活方式的自由——不能被剥夺”（p68），让我猛然省悟。若干年后，我由家乡来到苏州，在与同室的同学聊天中得知，他在求学的困难时也受到弗兰克此话的激励。

弗兰克是一位精神医学家。二战中他与家人被抓入集中营。他的双亲、哥哥、妻子皆被害死，全家仅剩他与妹妹。任何一个像他这样遭遇的人都会产生一个问题：人生还值不值得活下去？很多人在此境况下选择结束自己的生命，自杀了；更多人行尸走肉般活着。而弗兰克最终在集中营的床板上悟出：无论何时何地，人类都拥有这“最后的自由”。这与禅宗所言“本性自足，何须外求”颇有相似之处。二战结束后，弗兰克开创了“意义治疗法”作为人本主义心理学的重要组成部分，风行西方。

我们不是在战乱时期，也无大灾难突然降临，但谁敢说今生不会遇到重大的挫折。校园里因失恋而自杀的学生不是越来越多吗？为什么我们今天不能承受痛苦，为什么我们受到一点点挫折就会冒然轻生。弗兰克说：“我们应自行学习——并且要教导濒于绝望的人——认清一个事实：真正重要的不是我们对人生有何指望，而是人生对我们有何指望。我们不该继续追问生命有何意义，而该认清自己无时无刻不在接受生命的追问。”（p81）今天的人不敢承担命运，我们缺乏一种勇气，缺乏一种对生命终极承担的存在的勇气。尼采曾有过这样一种观点：你因热爱自己的命运。这不是宿命论，尼采所言是告诉我们要勇于承担起命运，不论命运的轨迹是怎样的，它皆有其意义。正如弗兰克所言：“如果人生真有意义，痛苦自应有其意义。”“一个人若能接受命运及其所附加的一切痛苦，并且肩负起自己的十字架，则即使处在最恶劣的环境中，照样有充分的机会去加深他生命的意义，使生命保有坚忍、尊贵与无私的物质。”（p20）

几年前当我读完弗兰克此书后，我反身自思。自己的处境再坏也坏不到人家的'地步，既然弗兰克因“最后的自由”可以解悟，我也同样可以。至此后我消极的态度为之一变。至今回想起来感慨良多。弗兰克多次引用尼采一句话参透“为何”，才能迎接“任何”（he who has a “why”to live for can bear almost any “how”）多年来我正是尊此语，寻求生活的意义，并承受着生活的波折。也

许正像英国作家斯迈而斯在其成名作《自助》（help-self）所言：艰难困苦与人世沧桑是最严厉而又最崇高的老师。历经痛苦与挫折是发现人生真谛的通道。然而现实是许多人未经住命运的考验，也未从中领悟苦难的意义，每一次命运的打击都像在闯一个关口，胜利的价值在于超越自我。“人之所以为人是因为他可以自我超越。”（p137）别说上天没给你超越的机会，怕得是你把它放走，怕得是我们力量弱小无力接受。

不要说什么希望已经破灭，不要说人生毫无意义。当我们还存在于世，当我们还可言说就是希望存留的标志。无论我们处在何种境遇，我们都不应遗忘尚有一种东西因我们而存在，那就是弗兰克所示之“最后的自由”。

附注：本文p······所引文皆自三联书店1998年版的弗兰克著《活出意义来》

第13篇 自由的即兴演讲稿

自由即兴演讲篇

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家好!

常常有人问我自由的气息是怎么样的，我知道，但我不说，因为我明白，这是要悟出来的。

自由的气息是什么样的，我曾觉得鸟是自由的，它能在无边无际的天空上展翅飞翔，能看见飘飘的白云，能看见灿烂的彩虹，明媚的阳光，饥饿的时候，吃吃果子，吃吃小鱼小虾，累的时候站在树枝上静静地休息。生活多悠闲，我认为那才是自由地气息，但长大我发现它们不仅要面对狂风暴雨，也要在弱肉强食的世界里打拼磨炼，还要避开危险的果子和强悍的食物，它们其实很累，在它们身上，只能闻到拼搏的气息。

自由的气息是什么样的，我曾认为鱼是自由的，它能在奇幻多彩的海里探索发现美，能在多彩的水草里伪装自己，能在世界旅行

能看见你看不见的美景，也许它身边还有一只又一只美丽的人鱼陪伴着它，我认为那才是自由的气息。但长大后我才发现它们不仅要面对可怕的鲨鱼，也可能在不知不觉中迷失家的方向，或许在不留意时变成别人的美餐，它们其实很累，我在它们身上只能闻到迷茫的气息。

自由的气息是怎么样，我曾觉得马是自由的，它能在辽阔无垠的土地上奔跑，能看见雄伟的高山，清澈的湖水，奔腾的黄河我认为那才是自由的气息。但长大后我才发现，它们不仅要面对凶残的捕食者，还要躲避人类黑洞洞的枪口，还注重要与亲人与朋友的分别，它们其实很累，我在它们身上闻到了奔跑的气息。

我悟到了，自由的气息，一种拼搏、迷茫、奔跑的气息。

自由即兴演讲篇范文

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家好!

秋天，落叶摆脱树木的束缚，偶尔拂过一阵风，它们都会自觉地晃动自己的身子，如获新生般在天空中划出完美的弧线。随着一个一个秋天的度过，岁月的轮回，我含泪挥手告别了幼稚，转身迎面接受叛逆的到来。我渴望着能征服妈妈的怀抱，一个人去走自己的路。但那终究还不适合我。

又是一个秋天。妈妈以母亲的身份命令我拿作业给她检查，我回复妈妈的是一脸无奈。我时不时地抬抬头望着分针和秒针一次次地相遇，时间带走了我的耐心。“我的学习我自己会负责，不需要你来干涉”我突然就这么地丢下了一句话，还重重地将门关上，走了出去。

可是，当独自一人走在月光下的时候我有点为自己过分的行为后悔了。月光下，是这样的宁静，这样的安详，秋风吹落了落叶，一个人是这么的无助，我不禁地落下了眼泪，眼泪掺夹着的秋风，冰冷无情的划过我稚嫩的脸庞。我这么一个看似平淡的话就早已伤害了妈妈那颗心。

沉重的心使得整个世界都灰蒙蒙的没有一丝色彩。浮华的青春，你无穷地渴望落叶般自由，我跟随着叛逆在沿途寻找自由的同时，不断地意识到自己在一步步地伤害了父母，那么即便寻找到了自由也失去了快乐，不能完全地像落叶一样，没有遗憾没有伤感。落叶的自由是它经历了四季的磨砺，带着完整的人生迈向下一步。

我一直在等待着属于自己真正的秋天的来临。

自由精选即兴演讲篇

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家好!

三月的蓝天之上已是风筝满天，铃声一响便跑出教室，看低年级同学在操场放风筝。

刚过了放风筝的年龄的我们是多么羡慕飞翔在蓝天里的风筝啊，享受着人们的仰望，自由飞翔。像雄鹰那样，搏击长空，是禁锢在校园里的我们的梦想。

无奈上课铃声响了，我们只好匆匆走进教室，唉声叹气中还得坐下来，握住笔写画起来。

铅笔行走在草稿纸上，任凭人的操控，不由得让我遐想联翩，凝视手中的铅笔，它似乎从来不觉得自己有何长处，它只是谦和地被人握于手中，行走在满载希冀的白纸上。它默默走出的炫美，是执笔人挥洒汗水、播种希望换来的一点慰籍。

他更没有像风筝一样借住风的力量，一心想挣开风筝人手中的线，去赢得更多的自由，它似乎从来未曾想到过自由。

为了更好地书写，它受尽了刀锋的削切，却无怨无悔，只求更加完美。因为它深知，没有牵制，便不会成功。

因此它不像风筝一样，追梦之旅还未开始，就已被抛弃，因为风筝忘了，让它触摸梦想的，是放筝人手中的线。

风筝因想得到绝对自由，最后埋葬了自己;铅笔因学会了约束自己，最终辉煌了生命。

想到这里，我豁然开朗。

面对生活中的种种不如意，有人受不了，选择放纵自己，狂废年华，有人扛住了，选择束缚自己，精彩人生。

锁住你的欲望与贪念，你会比别人少很多拦路虎，系住你的空谈与幻想，你会更加踏实脚下的基础。

成功，不会落在任何一个不会自制、对自己没有要求的人身上，梦想不会实现于任何一个没有上理智之锁的人心中。

带着一颗上了理智之锁的心，牵住那美好而危险的欲望，你会发现前方，是那么豁亮!

第14篇 ted英语演讲：如何掌控你的自由时间

演讲者：laura vanderkam 劳拉·凡德卡姆

中英对照翻译

when people find out i write about time management, they assume two things. one is that i'm always on time, and i'm not. i have four small children, and i would like to blame them for my occasional tardiness, but sometimes it's just not their fault. i was once late to my own speech on time management.

当人们发现我写关于时间管理的文章时，他们都会假设两件事：第一，我永远都准时，但我并不是。我有四个小孩，我偶尔将迟到归咎于他们，不过有时候真的不是因为他们。我有一次在去我的一个关于时间管理的演讲时迟到了。

we all had to just take a moment together and savor that irony.

我们都需要一点时间去好好地体味一下这有多么讽刺。

the second thing they assume is that i have lots of tips and tricks for saving bits of time here and there.sometimes i'll hear from magazines that are doing a story along these lines, generally on how to help their readers find an e_tra hour in the day. and the idea is that we'll shave bits of time off everyday activities, add it up, and we'll have time for the good stuff.

第二，人们总是假设我有很多关于如何节省时间的贴士和技巧。有时候我听说一些杂志 在写这方面的故事，通常都是关于教读者如何在一天中获得额外一个小时。基本思路就是从日常的每个活动中挤出一点时间，加起来，然后我们就有时间去做更有意思的事情了。

i question the entire premise of this piece, but i'm always interested in hearing what they've come up with before they call me. some of my favorites:doing errands where you only have to make right-hand turns.

我对这个说法持保留意见，不过我还是愿意听听他们在找我之前有什么想法。我最喜欢的几个是：只完成那些只需要右转的事;

being e_tremely judicious in microwave usage: it says three to three-and-a-half minutes on the package, we're totally getting in on the bottom side of that. and my personal favorite, which makes sense on some level, is to dvr your favorite shows so you can fast-forward through the commercials.

在用微波炉时，要极度审慎：当食物包装上面写了3到3.5分钟时，我们要挑时间最短的那个。我个人最喜欢的是，录下你最喜欢看的电视剧，然后你就可以跳过广告了。其实在某个程度上，还是挺有道理的。

that way, you save eight minutes every half hour, so in the course of two hours of watching tv, you find 32 minutes to e_ercise.

这样，你每半个小时就可以挤出八分钟。那么你葱用来看电视的两个小时中，可以挤出32分钟锻炼的时间。

which is true. you know another way to find 32 minutes to e_ercise? don't watch two hours of tv a day, right?

倒的确是这么回事儿。你还知道其他可以找到32分钟锻炼时间的方法吗?不要每天都看两个小时电视就行了，对吧? (笑声)

anyway, the idea is we'll save bits of time here and there, add it up, we will finally get to everything we want to do. but after studying how successful people spend their time and looking at their schedules hour by hour, i think this idea has it completely backward.

总之，就是要在各处都省点时间，加起来就有时间做我们想做的事了。但在我了解成功的人如何分配时间，并看过了他们的时间表后，我觉得这个想法是完全本末倒置的。

we don't build the lives we want by saving time. we build the lives we want, and then time saves itself.

我们不是通过节省时间来打造我们想过的生活。我们应该先建立我们想要的生活，时间就会自然而然节省出来。

here's what i mean. i recently did a time diary project looking at 1,001 days in the lives of e_tremely busy women. they had demanding jobs, sometimes their own businesses, kids to care for, maybe parents to care for, community commitments -- busy, busy people.

我来解释一下。我最近有个时间日记项目，观察最忙碌的女士生命中的1001天。她们工作繁忙，有时候是自己的生意，有时候要照顾自己的孩子，或者是照顾父母，还有服务社区等等——都是一些很忙的人。

i had them keep track of their time for a week so i could add up how much they worked and slept, and i interviewed them about their strategies, for my book.

我让她们记录了一星期的行程，计算她们工作和睡觉的时间，为了我的书，我还采访 了解了她们的常用策略。

one of the women whose time log i studied goes out on a wednesday night for something. she comes home to find that her water heater has broken, and there is now water all over her basement. if you've ever had anything like this happen to you, you know it is a hugely damaging, frightening, sopping mess.

其中一个被我研究过时间表的女士，在一个周三晚上出去了一趟，回家发现她的热水器坏了，地下室都被水淹了。如果你也遇到过这种事儿的话，你会知道眼前的景象多么令人崩溃和沮丧。

so she's dealing with the immediate aftermath that night, ne_t day she's got plumbers coming in, day after that, professional cleaning crew dealing with the ruined carpet. all this is being recorded on her time log. winds up taking seven hours of her week. seven hours. that's like finding an e_tra hour in the day.

于是那个晚上她立刻着手处理，第二天她找了一个水管工，第三天找了专业的清理人员 来处理损坏的地毯。所有这些都算在了她的时间表内。总共花了她一周中的七个小时。七个小时。这就等于一周七天每天都要挤出一个小时。

but i'm sure if you had asked her at the start of the week, 'could you find seven hours to train for a triathlon?' 'could you find seven hours to mentor seven worthy people?' i'm sure she would've said what most of us would've said, which is, 'no -- can't you see how busy i am?' yet when she had to find seven hours because there is water all over her basement, she found seven hours.

但是假如你在这一周刚开始时就问她，“你能在这周抽出七个小时来参加铁人三项吗?”，“你能在这周抽出七个小时指导七个有潜力的人吗?“ 我确定她会像大多数人一样， 说，”怎么可能，你看不出我有多忙吗?“ 但是她最后不得不抽出七个小时，因为她的地下室都被水淹了， 她挤出了这七个小时。

and what this shows us is that time is highly elastic. we cannot make more time, but time will stretch to accommodate what we choose to put into it.

这件事告诉我们：时间是有弹性的。我们不能创造更多时间，但是时间会自己调整去适应我们选择去做的事情。

and so the key to time management is treating our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater. to get at this, i like to use language from one of the busiest people i ever interviewed. by busy, i mean she was running a small business with 12 people on the payroll, she had si_ children in her spare time.

所以时间管理的关键，就是对待最重要的事情应该像对待那个坏了的热水器一样。要做到这一点，我要借用我采访过最忙的人的话。她经营着一个小企业，请了十二名员工，空余时间她还要照顾六个孩子。

i was getting in touch with her to set up an interview on how she 'had it all' -- that phrase. i remember it was a thursday morning, and she was not available to speak with me. of course, right?

我联系上了她，想要采访她关于她是怎么做到“无所不能”的。我记得那是一个星期四的早晨，她没时间和我说话。当然了，她很忙。

but the reason she was unavailable to speak with me is that she was out for a hike, because it was a beautiful spring morning, and she wanted to go for a hike. so of course this makes me even more intrigued, and when i finally do catch up with her, she e_plains it like this. she says, 'listen laura, everything i do, every minute i spend, is my choice.'

但是她没时间和我说话的原因是，她去远足了。因为那是春季一个美丽的清晨，所以她去远足了。这样的她让我变得更感兴趣了，当我最终联系上她时，她说：“听我说，劳拉，我做的所有的事情，我花的每分每秒，都是我的选择。

and rather than say, 'i don't have time to do _, y or z,' she'd say, 'i don't do _, y or z because it's not a priority.' 'i don't have time,' often means 'it's not a priority.'

”所以与其说， ”我没有时间做这个，这个，或者那个。” 她会说：”我不做这些事情因为这些不是我的首要任务。““我没有时间”的意思通常是 ”那不是我的首要任务”。

if you think about it, that's really more accurate language. i could tell you i don't have time to dust my blinds, but that's not true. if you offered to pay me $100,000 to dust my blinds, i would get to it pretty quickly.

其实你想想， 那的确是更准确的说法。我可能会告诉你我没有时间清理百叶窗，但那不是真的。假如你愿意付我10万美金让我给百叶窗除尘，我会马上就去做。 (笑声)

since that is not going to happen, i can acknowledge this is not a matter of lacking time; it's that i don't want to do it. using this language reminds us that time is a choice. and granted, there may be horrible consequences for making different choices, i will give you that.

既然那不可能发生，我可以说不是因为时间不够，而是我不想做。这么说提醒了我们， 时间是一种选择。我会告诉你，当然，不同的选择有时候会带来可怕的后果。

but we are smart people, and certainly over the long run, we have the power to fill our lives with the things that deserve to be there.

但是我们都是聪明人，从长远来看，我们有能力去选择一些值得做的事，来填补我们生命中的时间。那么我们应该怎么做呢?

so how do we do that? how do we treat our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater?

我们要如何像对待那个坏了的热水器一样对待我们的首要任务?首先，我们需要找出哪些事最重要。

well, first we need to figure out what they are. i want to give you two strategies for thinking about this.the first, on the professional side: i'm sure many people coming up to the end of the year are giving or getting annual performance reviews. you look back over your successes over the year, your 'opportunities for growth.' and this serves its purpose, but i find it's more effective to do this looking forward.

我想给你们分享两个技巧。第一个，从职业的角度来说：我相信许多人在年底的时候，会发出或者收到年度绩效审查。你回头看看这一年的成功和 “成长的机会”。这的确起到了它的作用，但是我发现往前看会更有效。

so i want you to pretend it's the end of ne_t year. you're giving yourself a performance review,and it has been an absolutely amazing year for you professionally. what three to five things did you do that made it so amazing? so you can write ne_t year's performance review now.

我想让你们把这当做下一年的年底。你在给自己做年度绩效审查，在专业方面，这一年的表现非常出众。是哪三到五件事使这一年变得如此出众?你现在就可以写明年的绩效审查。

and you can do this for your personal life, too. i'm sure many of you, like me, come december, get cards that contain these folded up sheets of colored paper, on which is written what is known as the family holiday letter.

你也可以在个人生活方面这么做。我相信你们许多人，包括我，在十二月，都会收到这种夹着彩色纸的卡片。上面写着“家庭假日信件”。

bit of a wretched genre of literature, really, going on about how amazing everyone in the household is,or even more scintillating, how busy everyone in the household is. but these letters serve a purpose,which is that they tell your friends and family what you did in your personal life that mattered to you over the year.

听起来像是一个挺悲惨的文学题材，谈论家里每个人有多了不起，或者更精彩点，家里每个人有多忙。但是这些信有它们的用处，它们告诉你的朋友和家人你这一年里做了什么对个人生活有意义的事。

so this year's kind of done, but i want you to pretend it's the end of ne_t year, and it has been an absolutely amazing year for you and the people you care about. what three to five things did you do that made it so amazing? so you can write ne_t year's family holiday letter now. don't send it.

那么今年快要结束了，我想让你假装这是明年的年底，对你和你在乎的人来说，这都是无与伦比的一年。哪三到五件事让你这一年表现如此出色?其实你现在就可以写明年的家庭假日信件了。先不要发出去。

please, don't send it. but you can write it. and now, between the performance review and the family holiday letter, we have a list of si_ to ten goals we can work on in the ne_t year.

真的，不要发出去。但是你可以写。现在，有了绩效评估和写给家人的信，我们就有了六到十个明年可以努力的目标。我们需要先把他们分成可行的阶段性任务。

and now we need to break these down into doable steps. so maybe you want to write a family history.first, you can read some other family histories, get a sense for the style. then maybe think about the questions you want to ask your relatives, set up appointments to interview them. or maybe you want to run a 5k. so you need to find a race and sign up, figure out a training plan, and dig those shoes out of the back of the closet.

或许你要写一个家族传记。首先吗，你可以读读别人的家族历史，了解一下大概的风格 然后可以想象你要问亲戚的问题，约定和他们见面谈话的时间。或者你想要参加一个五千米的短程马拉松。你需要先找一个竞赛报名，再做一个培训计划，从衣柜底下翻出你的运动鞋。

and then -- this is key -- we treat our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater, by putting them into our schedules first. we do this by thinking through our weeks before we are in them.

然后——这是关键——我们将我们的首要事件视为那个坏掉的热水器，将它们优先放入我们的日程表里。我们要在事情发生的几周前就先想好。

i find a really good time to do this is friday afternoons. friday afternoon is what an economist might calla 'low opportunity cost' time. most of us are not sitting there on friday afternoons saying, 'i am e_cited to make progress toward my personal and professional priorities right now.'

我发现周五的下午最适合处理这事儿。周五的下午是被经济学家称为“低机会成本”时间。我们大部分人不会在周五下午想着，“我要朝我的个人和职业生涯的首要事件迈进了， 所以很兴奋。“

but we are willing to think about what those should be. so take a little bit of time friday afternoon, make yourself a three-category priority list: career, relationships, self. making a three-category list reminds usthat there should be something in all three categories.

但是我们愿意去想那些事是什么。所以在周五下午花一点时间，为自己做一个分成三类的首要事件的列表：事业、人际关系、个人。这样的三项分类列表提醒了我们每一个类别都应该有一些事。

career, we think about; relationships, self -- not so much. but anyway, just a short list, two to three items in each. then look out over the whole of the ne_t week, and see where you can plan them in.

事业，我们经常考虑;人际关系，个人——很少会想。无论如何，只要一个短短的列表，每个都包含两到三件事。它们会帮助我们看清下周，如何在下周计划这些事情。你可以决定如何计划。

where you plan them in is up to you. i know this is going to be more complicated for some people than others. i mean, some people's lives are just harder than others. it is not going to be easy to find time to take that poetry class if you are caring for multiple children on your own. i get that. and i don't want to minimize anyone's struggle. but i do think that the numbers i am about to tell you are empowering.

这可能对一些人来说会比较困难一点。我的意思是，有些人的人生就是比较复杂。如果你自己有好几个要照顾的小孩，想要找时间去参加诗歌班一定不容易。我懂。我不想轻视任何人的困难。但是我觉得我接下来要说的数字，是会改变你的想法的。

there are 168 hours in a week. twenty-four times seven is 168 hours. that is a lot of time. if you are working a full-time job, so 40 hours a week, sleeping eight hours a night, so 56 hours a week -- that leaves 72 hours for other things. that is a lot of time.

我们每周都有168个小时，24乘以7是168个小时。这是一段很长时间。假如你有一个全职的工作，一周是40个小时，每晚睡八个小时，一周是56个小时，我们有剩下72个小时来做其他事情。这是一段很长的时间。

you say you're working 50 hours a week, maybe a main job and a side hustle. well, that leaves 62 hours for other things. you say you're working 60 hours. well, that leaves 52 hours for other things. you say you're working more than 60 hours. well, are you sure?

假如你说你每周工作50个小时，比如一份全职和一份兼职。这样你还是有60小时去做其他的事情。假如你说你每周工作60个小时，你还是有52个小时去做其他的事情。你说你每周工作超过60个小时，你确定吗?

there was once a study comparing people's estimated work weeks with time diaries. they found that people claiming 75-plus-hour work weeks were off by about 25 hours.

曾经有一个研究对比了人们估计的工作时间，和实际的工作日记。他们发现那些表示工作超过75小时的人，有25小时的误差。

you can guess in which direction, right? anyway, in 168 hours a week, i think we can find time for what matters to you.

你可以猜到这个误差是多了还是少了吧?无论如何，在一周的168个小时里，我觉得我们总可以找到时间做我们想做的事。

if you want to spend more time with your kids, you want to study more for a test you're taking, you want to e_ercise for three hours and volunteer for two, you can. and that's even if you're working way more than full-time hours.

如果你想花时间陪陪你的孩子，或者准备你即将到来的考试，你想锻炼两三个小时或者 做两个小时志愿者，你都可以的。即便你的工作时间远超过法定时间。

so we have plenty of time, which is great, because guess what? we don't even need that much time to do amazing things. but when most of us have bits of time, what do we do? pull out the phone, right?start deleting emails. otherwise, we're puttering around the house or watching tv.

所以我们有很多时间，这很好。但是你知道吗?我们根本不需要那么多时间去完成一个大目标。但当我们有一点空闲时间的时候，我们会做什么?拿出手机，是吧?开始删除邮件。或者在家里闲逛，看电视。

but small moments can have great power. you can use your bits of time for bits of joy. maybe it's choosing to read something wonderful on the bus on the way to work.

但是每个不起眼的时刻都潜力无限。你可以用零星的时间，来获得零星的快乐。比如说在去上班的公车上读一些精彩的东西。

i know when i had a job that required two bus rides and a subway ride every morning, i used to go to the library on weekends to get stuff to read. it made the whole e_perience almost, almost, enjoyable. breaks at work can be used for meditating or praying. if family dinner is out because of your crazy work schedule, maybe family breakfast could be a good substitute.

当我以前的工作需要我每天早上乘两趟公车和一趟地铁的时候，我周末会去图书馆找东西来读。这几乎，几乎让我的生活更丰富了。工作间隙的休息时间可以用来冥想或者祷告。如果你因为工作忙而不能吃家庭晚餐，试一下家庭早餐。

it's about looking at the whole of one's time and seeing where the good stuff can go. i truly believe this.there is time. even if we are busy, we have time for what matters. and when we focus on what matters, we can build the lives we want in the time we've got.

这就是看着一个人所有的时间，然后找到什么时候可以做想做的事。我真的相信，我们都有充分的时间。就算我们很忙，我们仍然有时间去做重要的事。当我们关注在重要的事上时，我们可以用所拥有的时间创造我们想要的生活。

thank you.

谢谢。

第15篇 个人自由与社会公德-演讲稿

个人自由与社会公德-演讲稿

各位老师、同学，大家好：

咦？我怎么觉得大家眼神不对劲呢？好像有些许愤慨、还有一丝不满？哦，（手拍额头）对不起，刚才主持人念到我时，我突然想起了一件事，所以让我的思想自由驰骋了会，上台晚了些。大家是为这个对我有意见吧？（憨笑）正好，我也想借这个，说说今天我要演讲的主题“个人自由与社会公德”。刚才，我纵容了我的自由，让“思想”飞了一会，却无意中冒犯了大家宝贵的10秒，因为按照程序，这个时间应该是我上台演讲的时间，违背了我们的社会公德。在这里，我诚挚的跟大家说声：对不起！

大家的眼睛是雪亮的，因为我从大家的眼睛中感受到了“不满”。但是，我没有听到大家斥责我的声音！如果我没有从大家的眼神中感受到大家对我的谴责，而正好又没有人谴责我，那是不是刚才的迟到就可以当作没有发生？因为我没有意识到，而又没有人让我意识到呀。（耸肩、摊手，做无辜状）其实这就是如今人们漠视社会公德的原因。一方面，没有形成一个有效的社会舆论。当你意识到有违社会公德的形为发生时，应该及时正确、大胆的说出来。用有声的语言说出来或者写出来，而不仅仅是自己内心的一个感知而已。另一方面，当今的社会，科技的发展、网络的进步，人们更强调自我，强调个性。在追求个性自由的同时，迷失了社会公德却浑然不知。因为我们太过自我，太过自由，殊不知，这一切的太过终将让我们付出沉重的代价！

社会公德和个人自由就像风筝和线，风筝只有在线的`指引下才不会飘零天涯；个人自由只有在社会公德的指引下才能得到充分体现。飞回流转五千年，从“采菊东篱下，悠然见南山”到“挟飞仙以遨游，抱明月而长终”。个人自由总伴随着超然外物，逍遥自得，流淌于历史的松涛竹林之中。春花落了秋日清，冬雪融了夏虫鸣。社会公德和个人的自由相辅相承。顺着社会公德的线，我们可以看到，个人自由的风筝蹁跹起舞。

我崇尚自由，向往自由，追求自由，相信在座的同学，跟我一样都有着对自由的执著。曾经热血青年‘为中华崛起而读书’，作为新时代的我们，在和平与发展的年代中，更应该发奋图强、好好学习，勇做时代的弄潮儿，将先辈的旗帜继承下来发扬光大!在我们努力学知识、学文化的同时，同样不能忽略体能的锻炼。身体是革命的本钱，强身健体同等重要！很喜欢一句话‘一滴水也能折射出太阳的光辉’。纵使我们无法辉煌于历史，纵使个人的力量再渺小，只要我们为理想和自由而努力，依旧也能闪亮他人、折射光辉。一次弯腰，可以整齐一方土地；一次行礼，可以温暖他人心房。小小的善举，也可以让世界多些温暖与阳光！只要人人献出一点爱，这世界将变成美丽的人间！

在我们追求个人自由的时候，不应盲从。在社会公德的指引下，我们可以获得更多的自由。文明礼貌是社会公德，助人为乐是社会公德，爱护公物是社会公德，保护环境是社会公德，遵纪守法同样是社会公德。社会公德是要融入我们的一言一行中的，是融入我们的日常生活中的。社会公德不是束缚个人自由的枷锁，它更像一盏指路明灯，点亮我们前行的路。在‘社会公德’这盏灯光的指引下，在追求个人自由的路上，我们可以走得更从容、更淡定！

我的演讲完了，谢谢大家！